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Hakim Larionov
Hakim Larionov

Nations And Nationalism ((INSTALL))



Nationalism is the central issue of the modern world. The demise of the Soviet Union has witnessed revival of ethnic and national identification and, at the same time, the proliferation of nationalist and ethnic conflicts across the world. The consequent explosion of interest in ethnicity, national identity and nationalism has created an urgent need for systematic study in this field. Nations and Nationalism aims to satisfy this need.




Nations and Nationalism


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As a scholarly, multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary journal, Nations and Nationalism is designed to respond to the rapid growth of research in the study of nationalism and nationalist movements throughout the world. It is the only journal in the English-speaking world specifically devoted to the study of nations and nationalism in all their manifestations and varieties, both in the past and in the present, and across the globe


Nations and Nationalism publishes high quality research articles, debates, viewpoints and book reviews that raise new and address old questions concerning all aspects of ethnicity, nationalism and the idea of the nation.


Nations and Nationalism encourages submissions of articles exploring nations and nationalism in all parts of the world, including less studied regions, such as North Africa, South America and the Middle and Far East.


Nationalism is the central issue of the modern world. Since the demise of the Soviet Union there has been a proliferation of nationalist and ethnic conflicts. The consequent explosion of interest in ethnicity and nationalism has created an urgent need for systematic study in this field. Nations and Nationalism aims to satisfy this need.


As a scholarly, multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary journal, it is designed to respond to the rapid growth of research in the study of nationalism and nationalist movements throughout the world. Nations and Nationalism is the only journal in the English-speaking world specifically devoted to the study of nationalism.


Nations and Nationalism is a peer-reviewed academic journal that covers research on nationalism and related issues. It is published quarterly on behalf of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism by Wiley-Blackwell. Anthony D. Smith was the founding editor and the editor until his death in 2016.


The first issue of Nations and Nationalism was published in March 1995. In their editorial for that issue, Anthony D. Smith, Obi Igwara, Athena Leoussi, and Terry Mulhall described the need for a journal devoted to the study of nations and nationalism, and identified the three basic aims of the journal as "(1) to be the vehicle of new research, both theoretical and empirical, and act as a forum for the exchange of views in the field; (2) to identify and develop a separate subject-area as a field of study in its own right, and unify the body of scholars in the field; [and] (3) to bring to the attention of the wider scholarly community, and the public, the need to treat the subject-area as a well-defined field of interdisciplinary study, which requires the collaboration of scholars from a variety of intellectual backgrounds".[1]


O'Leary describes the book as "Gellner's most elaborate statement on the subject (of nationalism); because it is largely an expansion of the themes firstsketched in Thought and Change.... he never repudiated any of the core propositions advanced in these texts", but he clarifies and qualifies some of them further in his Encounters with Nationalism (1994).[2]


First published in 1983, Nations and Nationalism remains one of the most influential explanations of the emergence of nationalism ever written. This updated edition of Ernest Gellner's now-canonical work includes a new introductory essay from John Breuilly, tracing the way the field has evolved over the past two decades, and a bibliography of important work on nationalism since 1983.


We frequently misuse the terms nation, state, and nation-state. States are defined by sovereignty over territory and a group of people. They are what we commonly call countries. [1] The United States, Great Britain, and Nigeria are all examples of states. Nations generate identity and loyalty. They are named groups who share common histories, myths, culture, economy, and rights. Ethnic groups also have a common ancestry and solidarity within the group, but they do not engage in the politics of nationalism. Americans are encouraged to sing the national anthem rather than the state anthem in order to become more integrated with the idea of a nation, even though it should be called the state anthem.


The ideology of nationalism claims that a nation is not complete without territory. It also says that the geopolitical situation is unjust, or unfair, if a nation does not have, or is not allowed to have, its own territory. Many people use nationalism to justify conflict, as each nation fights for its right to territory in which to live and govern.


The geopolitics of nationalism have resulted in millions of deaths as people fought to establish a state for their nation. For example, the United States of America was formed when a group of people had a shared sense of belonging (nationalism) that was separate from the government they lived under (the British crown). They fought, using their shared nationalism as the justification, to gain control of territory to call their own state, or country. Ultimately, they were able to gain their territory and form a state that reflected their sense of nationalism.


The United States continues to use nationalism as justification to protect the current territory it now holds. This pattern of people with a shared sense of nationalism fighting to gain control of territory is seen often throughout history and into contemporary times.


In the last two decades, migration crisis and the populist reactionsto migration and domestic economic issues have been the definingtraits of a new political constellation. The traditional issue of thecontrast between nationalism and cosmopolitanism has changed itsprofile: the current drastic contrast is between populist aversion tothe foreigners-migrants and a more generous, or simply just, attitudeof acceptance and Samaritan help. The populist aversion inherits somefeatures traditionally associated with patriotism and nationalism, andthe opposite attitude the main features of traditionalcosmopolitanism. One could expect that the work on nationalism will bemoving further on this new and challenging playground, addressing thenew contrast and trying to locate nationalism in relation to it.


In this entry, we shall first present conceptual issues of definitionand classification (Sections 1 and 2) and then the arguments putforward in the debate (Section 3), dedicating more space to thearguments in favor of nationalism than to those against it in order togive the philosophical nationalist a proper hearing. In the last partwe shall turn to the new constellation and sketch the new issuesraised by nationalist and trans-nationalist populisms and themigration crisis.


The third, quite plausible kind of view, distinct from bothprimordialism-ethno-symbolism and modernism, has been initiated by W.Connor (1994).[10] A nation is a politicized and mobilized ethnic group rather than astate. So, the origins of nationalism predate the modern state, andits emotional content remains up to our times (Conversi 2002: 270),but the actual statist organization is, indeed, modern. However,nation-state is a nationalist dream and fiction, never reallyimplemented, due to the inescapable plurality of social groups. Somuch for the three dominant perspectives on the origin ofnationalism.


We pointed out at the very beginning of the entry that nationalismfocuses upon (1) the attitude that the members of a nation have whenthey care about their national identity, and (2) the actions that themembers of a nation take when seeking to achieve (or sustain) someform of political sovereignty. The politically central point is (2):the actions enjoined by the nationalist. To these we now turn,beginning with sovereignty and territory, the usual foci of a nationalstruggle for independence. They raise an important issue:


Classical nationalists are usually vigilant about the kind of culturethey protect and promote and about the kind of attitude people have totheir nation-state. This watchful attitude carries some potentialdangers: many elements of a given culture that are universal or simplynot recognizably national may fall prey to such nationalistenthusiasms. Classical nationalism in everyday life puts variousadditional demands on individuals, from buying more expensivehome-produced goods in preference to cheaper imported ones toprocreating as many future members of the nation as one can manage(see Yuval-Davies 1997, and Yack 2012).


Besides classical nationalism (and its more radical extremistcousins), various moderate views are also now classified asnationalist. Indeed, the philosophical discussion has shifted to thesemoderate or even ultra-moderate forms, and most philosophers whodescribe themselves as nationalists propose very moderate nationalistprograms.


Nationalism in this wider sense is any complex of attitudes,claims, and directives for action ascribing a fundamental political,moral, and cultural value to nation and nationality and derivingobligations (for individual members of the nation, and for anyinvolved third parties, individual or collective) from this ascribedvalue. The main representative of this group of views is liberalnationalism, proposed by authors like Miller, Tamir, and Gans(see below).


Is liberal nationalism implemented anywhere in the present world, oris it more of an ideal, probably end-state theory, that proposes apicture of a desirable society? Judging by the writings of liberalnationalists, it is the latter, although presented as a relativelyeasily reachable ideal, combining two traditions that are already wellimplemented in political reality.


We now pass to the normative dimension of nationalism. We shall firstdescribe the very heart of the nationalist program, i.e., sketch andclassify the typical normative and evaluative nationalist claims.These claims can be seen as answers to the normative subset of ourinitial questions about (1) pro-national attitudes and (2)actions. 041b061a72


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